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INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 



REPORT OF THE FAREWELL MEETING 



REV. J. W/MASSIE, D. D., 



OF LONDON, 



BROADWAY TABERNACLE CHURCH, NEW YORK, 

SEPTEMBEK 27, 1863. 






^ 




,^ . 1883 



NEW YORK: 
ANSON D. F. RANDOLPH, 

No. 683 BROADWAY. 
1863. 




w'ej^/ /r^ 



INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 



/ 



KEPOKT OF THE FAEEWELL MEETING 



REV. J. W. MASSTE. D. D., 



OF LONDOIS' , 




BROADWAY TABERNACLE CHURCH, NEW YORK, 

SEPTEMBER 27, 1863. 




NEW YORK: 
ANSON D. F. RANDOLPH, 

No. 683 BROADWAY. 
1863. 






EDWAED O. JENKINS, 

^Printer, 
No. 20 NoETH William St. 



Inttrnatioiwl ^Binp!it|ies. 



EEV. DR. MASSIe's VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES. 

A few words in regard to the origin and the jjurpose of the 
Manchester depntation to this country, will serve to introduce 
the following report of the Farewell Meeting for Dr. Massie, 
at the Tabernacle. In September, 1862, the French Branch 
of the Evangelical Alliance addressed to the British Branch 
of the same organization, the suggestion that the British 
Branch slioiild issue some declaration of sympathy and en- 
couragement to their Christian brethren in America, who are 
contending in the interest of humanity and of the gospel 
against a Confederacy based upon slavery as its corner-stone. 
The British Branch, at its meeting in London, October 16th, 
1862, evaded this request by a vague resolution, deploring 
the civil war in America, and " the fearful amount of blood- 
shed and suffering to which it has led," but utterly failing to 
discriminate between the North and the South, or to recog- 
nize the great principles of justice, order, freedom, humanity, 
which the Amei'ican people are maintaining against an insur- 
rection of slaveholders and the propagandists of slavery. 
That resolution was read in this country with universal sur- 
pi'ise and regret, and by many with a pity for the British 
Evangelical Alliance, that bordered upon contempt. As- 
suredly, it was a most meager and unworthy utterance from a 



4 INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 

grave and responsible body of Christian men in a momentous 
crisis of Christian civilization ! 

Aggrieved by this action, or rather this studied avoidance 
of action by the "British Branch " of the Alliance, the evan- 
gelical pastors of Paris, taking counsel of Rev, J. W. Massie, 
D. D. LL. D., of London, — who visited Paris soon after, — 
issued a new address directly to " the Ministers and Pastors 
of all evangelical denominations in Great Britain." In this 
address, dated at Paris, February 12, 1863, they urge their 
British brethi-en to take the lead in calling forth "a great and 
peaceful manifestation of sympathy for the colored race," and 
tlius to " discourage the partizans of slavery," and to 
" strengthen and encourage those who wish to abolish it." 
They declare that " no more revolting spectacle has ever been 
set before the civilized world than a Confederacy, consisting 
mainly of Protestants, forming itself, and demanding inde- 
pendence in the nineteenth century of the Christian era, with 
the design, boldly avowed, of maintaining and propagating 
slavery ; and that the triumph of such a cause would put back 
the progress of Christian civilization and of humanity a whole 
century." They express their earnest desire that '' the sincere 
Christians of Europe should give to the cause of emancipation 
a powerful testimony which would leave to tliose who tight 
for the right of oppressing the slaves no hope of ever seeing 
those Christians give them the hand of fellowship." 

This address, subscribed by nearly eight hundred Evangeli- 
cal ministers of France, was forwarded to Dr. Massie, at Lon- 
don, who submitted it to a conference of ministers convened 
in that city in May, 1863, over which the Hon. and Rev. 
Baptist W. Noel presided. This Conference adopted a form 
of reply to the French address, fully endorsing its views, and 
declaring that they [the London Conference] " wish by all 
means in their power to discourage those who are seeking to 
found an empire on the degradation of the negro race," and 
that the}' " wish success to all just and humane measui-es for 
the deliverance of the slaves." This reply was widely sent to 
Evangelical ministers in Great Britain, in the form of a circu- 



INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 5 

liir, soliciting their signatures. By the close of May, upwards 
of four thousand certified signatures of ministers had been re- 
turned ; and on the 3d of June, a conference for the public 
ratification of these proceedings, was held in the Free Trade 
Hall, Manchester, at which Rev. Ricliard Slate, of Preston, 
presided. This Conference adopted an earnest and fraternal 
" Address to ministers and pastors of all Christian denomina- 
tions throughout the States of America," in the course of 
which they declare their solemn conviction that " no darker 
or more dreary calamity could threaten any nation or people 
on earth than the successful establishment of a republic whose 
corner stone is the slavery of the working-man." This ad- 
dress, full of strong anti-slavery sentiments, and of hearty 
good-will toward the government and the people of the 
United States, was entrusted to Rev. J. W. Massie, D. D., 
L L. D., of London, and Rev. J. H. Rylance, of St. Paul's, 
Westminster, as the messengers of the Conference to the 
churches of the United States. 

Dr. Massie made his first address in x\merica, at the Broad- 
way Tabernacle Church, New York, on the evening of July 
5th ; and his farewell address was given in the same church 
on the evening of September 27th. That address, reported 
in tlie following pages, gives a general account of Dr. Massie's 
labors in his important, honorable, and highly useful mission. 

THE FAREWELL MEETING. 

At an early hour the spacious church was thronged by an 
eager congregation. After every nook within the building 
was occupied, hundreds went away unable to gain admittance. 

The service opened with the chorus from Mendelssohn's St. 
Paul, " How lovely are the messengers that preach us the 
gospel of peace." Dr. Thompson announced that Rev. Dr. 
Smith, President elect of Dartmouth College, would preside 
over the exercises of the evening. 

Rev. Dr. Smith. — "Without pausing to speak particularly, at 



6 INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 

this point, of the ohject of the meeting, — an object under- 
stood, in general, by the whole andience,— I will call upon 
the Rev. Milton Badger, D. D., one of the Secretaries of the 
American Home Missionary Society, to read the Scriptures, 
and invoke the blessing of Clod u])on this occasion. 

Dr. Badger then read the 46th Psalm, and offered Prayer. 

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS OF REV. ASA D. SMITH, D. D. 

You are apprised, as I have said, of the purpose for which 
we have gathered ; and it is one, I ain sure, which enlists the 
warmest sympathies of every individual in this vast assembly. 
It is an object not of parochial interest merely, or metropoli- 
tan, or national ; it rises to an international gravity and 
dignity. It is known to j'ou, that some months ago, the Rev. 
Dr. Massie and the Rev. Mr. Rylance came to this country 
as a Deputation from a large number of English clergymen. 
It was on the 30th day of June last, they landed on our shores. 
A few of us — and I shall always esteem it one of the felicities 
of my life that I was of the number— had the privilege of 
bidding them welcome, and of holding initial conference with 
them in regard to the purpose of their visit. There were 
many reasons why we rejoiced in their coming. We had 
marked with pain the alienation from us in our great national 
struggle — from the cause of Union and of freedom which we 
maintain — of a portion at least of our British brethren. The 
attitude of the Government and the aristocracy had grieved 
us, the complicity with the Rebellion of the ship-building and 
mercantile interest, and the tone, in general, of the chief 
guides and organs of public sentiment. We were not sur- 
prised at the position of the tory Blackwood^ but when the 
North British declared against us, we could not but say, Et 
tu, Brute! Most grateful to us, in such circumstances, was 
the voice of Christian sympathy as it sounded over the great 
and wide sea. Had the Deputation come to us only in their 
own names, or as the re])resentatives of a few like-minded, we 
should have greeted them gladly. But when they bore to us, 



INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 7 

and to the Ministers and Chnrclies of our land, an Address 
from fonr thousand Ministers of the Gospel in Great Britain, 
and, virtually, from some eight hnndred Protestant clergymen 
in France, an address of the kindest and most sympathetic 
sort, expressing the deepest and most friendly interest in our 
momentous conflict, the fullest harmony with us in our ab- 
horrence of that system of slavery which underlies the Rebel- 
lion, and which is destined, we trust, to perish with it, and 
assuring us of their earnest desires and prayers for our suc- 
cess ; when they came, I say, with such a message, and with 
a correspondent personal bearing, we had special reasons for 
receiving them with the utmost cordiality, and for furthering, 
in every way, their embassy of peace, of freedom, and of 
catholic Christianity. 

A meeting was soon held, composed of clergymen of various 
denominations, at which the Rev. Fkancis Yinton, D. D., of 
the Episcopal Church, ofliciated as chairman, and the Rev. 
Joseph T. Duryea, of the Reformed Dutch Church, as Sec- 
retary. After full conference, a response to the British Ad- 
dress was adopted, which has been signed not only by those 
present, but by many other clergymen in various parts of the 
United States. That Address will be read to you by the Rev, 
Mr. DuKYEA. Even those who have already heard it, will 
listen to it again witli pleasure. In the course of the evening, 
Dr. Massie will speak to us of his extensive journeyings in 
our country ; of the cordial reception he has everywhere met ; 
of the other formal responses he has received, and will bear 
back with him ; and of all he has seen — for I am sure he has 
seen much — of hopeful and encouraging imj^ort, as to the 
future of the Republic. He came to our city, let me add, at 
a most inauspicious juncture. It was just on the eve of the 
Great Riot. He will remember that Monday evening, when 
I accompanied him as he went to fulfill an appointment at one 
of the most prominent of our colored churches. We found 
the church prudently closed, and the minister a fugitive from 
the mob in the retired dwelling of one of his own parishion- 
ers — the inmates thereof trembling at the peril not of their 



8 INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 

property alone, but of their lives. I blushed for my country ; 
and but for some things I remembered even in English his- 
tory, I might, in the presence of my venerable friend, have 
blushed more deeply. I rejoice that he has remained with 
us, not only till the riot has been suppressed, and law and 
justice vindicated, but until lessons have been read, in the 
light of those fearful conflagrations, of most salutary bearing 
on the great issue now pending. He came to us when the 
clouds seemed to be growing darker in our national sky, and 
the hearts of many were failing them for fear. As he leaves 
us, the clouds are parting, the stars are shining out again, and 
he rejoices with us in the assurance, that the whole firmament 
will soon be clear and bright above us. After some further 
preliminary exercises, we shall listen with pleasure to his fare- 
well utterances, and then, in some few parting words, bid him 
God-speed on his w^ay. 

Rev. J. T. DuKYEA, of the Collegiate Dutch Church, then 
read the following response by ministers of New York to the 
British Address : 

'' Reverend and Dear Brethren : — We have received with 
much pleasure the ' Address to Ministers and Pastors of all 
Christian Denominations throughout the States of America,' 
adopted by the 'Anti-Slavery Conference of Ministers of Re- 
ligion,' held in the city of Manchester, on the 3d of June, 
1863, and presented to us by the Rev. James W. Massie, 
D. D., LL. D., of London, and the Rev. J. H. Rylance, M. A., 
of Westminster, who were appointed a deputation for that 
purpose. 

"■ The personal character of the gentlemen composing this 
deputation, and the honorable and dignified assemblage which 
they represent, bespeak for the Address our most respectful 
attention. And its importance is enhanced by the considera- 
tion that it represents not only the immediate conference at 
Manchester, but also 4,000 ministers of Great Britain and 750 
ministers of France, who had agreed in protesting against the 



INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 9 

recognition of ' a Confederacy which lays down as the corner- 
stone of its constitution the system of slavery as it exists at 
present in the Southern States.' That so many intelligent 
and thoughtful men in the ministry of the Gospel should have 
united in such a protest, is equally honorable to them and 
gratifying and encoui-aging to us. 

" Perhaps we ought not to wonder, and certainly we will not 
now complain, that the severe struggle in which we are en- 
gaged is looked upon by our Transatlantic brethren so exclu- 
sively in its relations to ti>e 4,000,000 of Africans held in 
bondage upon our soil. As Christian men, we also are fully 
awake to the sin and the shame of American slavery, and are 
instant in pra^'er to God, that the time may be at hand when 
this hateful institution, which has inspired the present gigantic 
rebellion, shall be utterly destroyed. 

"But we are Americans, contending in arms for the preser- 
vation of our national life, and for all the great interests of 
constitutional liberty and order, which are at stake upon the 
issue of this conflict. The dismemberment of our Republic 
would be, not merely the loss of territory and power to the 
Federal Union, not merely the ruin of existing forms and in- 
stitutions of Government, but the downfall of constitutional 
liberty itself upon the North American continent. Nor can 
there be any well-founded hope of ultimate deliverance for 
the enslaved among us, but in the triumph of our arms. This 
contest is, in its last analysis, a struggle between antagonistic 
civilizations —the one asserting and vindicating the dignity 
of labor, the other scorning labor, and trampling it under 
foot. 

" That we are to succeed in this struggle, and by the blessing 
of God come out of it an unbroken nation, we do not doubt. 
It appears to us also to be the purpose of Providence that the 
rebellion and its guilty cause shall be buried in the same grave. 
In this, as Christian men, we do greatly rejoice. It sweetens 
the bitterness of our present lot to believe that in vindicating, 
against an inexcusable conspiracy, the just and beneficent 
authority of the nation, at so great a cost of treasure and of 



10 INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 

blood, we are cat the same time serving the cause of universal 
liberty. 

" We thank yon, dear brethren, for your words of cheer. We 
rejoice in the fellowship of the saints. And most heartily do 
we unite our prayers with yours that the powerful Christian 
nations to which we respectively belong may never be arrayed 
against each other in deadly strife, but may stand up together 
for the maintenance of righteousness, of peace, and of free- 
dom. And to this end may the Christian people of these na- 
tions cultivate a mutual respect and regard, and be ready to 
co-operate in any good work for the welfare of mankind and 
the advancement of Christ's kingdom in the world. 

Tkancis H. Vinton, Chairman. 
Joseph T. Duryea, Secretary^ 

After the reading of the address, the congregation joined 
in singing the following stanzas : 

Hail to the Lord's Anointed, 

Great David's greater Son ! 
Hail, in the time appointed, 

His reign on earth begun ! 
He conies to break oppression, 

To set the captive free ; 
To take away transgression, 

And rule in equity. 

He shall come down like showers 

Upon the fruitful earth ; 
And love, joy, hope, like flowers, 

Spring in his path to birth ; 
Before Him on the mountains 

Shall Peace, the herald, go ; 
And righteousness in fountains, 

From hill to valley flow. 

The President. — We will now listen to the Rev. Dr. Armi- 
tage of the Fifth Avenue Baptist Church. 



INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 11 



SPEECH OF REV. THOMAS AEMITAGK, D. D, 

Solomon assures us that like as cold water is to a thirsty- 
soul, so is good news from a far country. How beautiful, 
then, are the feet of these English brethren who bring to us a 
word of cheer from four thousand men of God in Great Bri- 
tain to the men of God in the great Kepublic, saying to us, in 
the midst of our contest for liberty and life : " Be strong, fear 
not, behold your God will come with vengeance, even God 
with a recompence, he will come and save you." One of the 
most striking facts accompanying the address of the four 
thousand seven hundred and fifty signers of this address, and 
one of those facts wJiich quicken our impulses of gratitude 
to them for that utterance is, that the great majority of these 
signers, are by dii'ect lineage, sons of the great English Revo- 
lution. This is a great fact in connection with this move- 
ment. They are men whose fathers suffered fearful privations 
and passed through fearful contests under the odious tests of 
civil and religious oppression in past ages, and laid the foun- 
dations of English liberty in the blood of civil war. Their 
love of liberty in the mibryo was cherished and nourished at 
Naseby and Marston Moor, and when the ghastly head of 
Charles I. fell upon the pavement of Whitehall, its pulse 
caught the first throb of a life immortal. The blind bard of 
England rivaled the choir of Bethlehem in swelling its na- 
tivity anthem, and Cromwell and Sidney and Hampden were 
the sages by whose hands " the isles did bring presents, and 
all kings did fall down and offer gifts." The proud boast of 
all English law and liberty is attributable to their bravery 
and death-defiance, which held the Thermopylae of freedom 
against overwhelming odds. Britain holds it precious heri- 
tage to-day by the tenure of their unswerving firmness and 
self-sacrifice, which dared to assert over the gurgling blood 
from the throat of the Stuart, that thenceforth, parallel with 
the existence of God, the blood of a tyrant should never 
warm upon the British throne. From that day to this. Eng- 
lishmen have been free. I say, then, it is a tribute to the 



12 INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 

power of the truth and au honor to humanity to see four thou- 
sand men — sons of such sires — step forth after a lapse of two 
hundred years and say to their brethren of the same old stock 
in the new world ; " We pledge our moral sympathies and 
support to the unyielding maintenance of a common inter- 
national patrimony." It is a beautiful thing — it is an honor 
to God and an honor to man. 

As American Republicans we have very little to hope, as 
our venerable brother, the delegate from Great Britain has 
informed us, we have very little to hope from the aristocratic 
chivalry of Great Britain. True to the instincts of paternity, 
they are one and inseparable with their bastard progeny of 
the Southern Confederacy. In their case, the old proverb 
holds good: "The fathers did eat sour grapes; and the 
children's teeth are set on edge." The aristocracy of Great 
Britain have no ministry — no chosen ministry in earthen ves- 
sels — to send forth to the church in the wilderness — this is not 
a dogma in their gospel. There is no man of like passions 
in all their tribes whom they have sent forth on a mission of 
salutation to speak words of cheer to the democratic liberty- 
loving flock that grazes in these green pastures. They are swift 
to sharpen the teeth of the piratical wolf, and to strengthen 
the horns of the rams of l!^ebaioth. They are ready to let them 
loose upon us as the best interpreters of their notions of inno- 
cence and inofiensiveness, but as to the ministry of liberty 
and equality, and fraternity, it is not an order in their sys- 
tem of embassy. The diplomacy of Pharaoh is their chosen 
method of utterance, muttering of wrath and hatred, and 
cruelty and ruin ; and, forsooth, because the aristocracy of 
Great Britain have chosen in this contest between law and 
anarchy, right and wrong, liberty and tyranny, — to appeal 
to violence, we are obliged to meet them on that issue, and 
we do meet them just there. 

In order to cure the bane of Pharaoh, the Lord threw 
aside the ministry of men, and invoked the fearful ministry of 
desolating angels with infallible eflect. Verily, then, as the 
Lord liveth, and as we are, in sympathy with the God of 



INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 13 

liberty, who summoned that agency in Egyptian retribution, — 
our only answer to the aristocracy of Britain, in this matter? 
must be heard through the m3^stic, sepulchral throat of the 
ebon angel who revels in the death-swamp of South Carolina. 

But a truce to all this ; we are here to thank our venerable 
brother and our Christian brethren in the British isles for the 
generous and out-spoken assurances of their God-speed upon 
us, in our war with this unholy rebellion. We are here 
to bid adieu to the venerable representative of a larger and 
a nobler and more potent class of her Majesty's subjects. 
These brethren have addressed to us their sympathies, their 
affections and their encouragements, and the address which 
they send to us is fraught with the largest catholicity of our 
common Christianity — it is warm with radiant love for the 
renovation and elevation of all classes, grades and colors in 
our political federation. It rings with the heart-cheering 
truths which have kept march with the religion of redemption 
in all ages. 

Sir, we thank you for your message, and will you be kind 
enough, to say to the Christians of Great Britain, that we 
heartily thank our brethren for this expression of their con- 
fidence in the success of our cause ? I do here to-night — 
speaking for myself, and I think for the denomination which I 
represent, leaving other gentlemen to speak for their denomi- 
nations — I do here to-night, in my own behalf, and in behalf 
of a million of Baptist hearts in the United States — as warm 
hearts as beat to the sound of liberty under the flag of our 
government, sincerely thank you. The address w'hich you 
have brought to us, is unpretentious in its style, and, perhaps, 
under all the circumstances, is wisely circumscribed as to 
its matter. But it possesses a magic whicii cannot be couched 
in labored embellishment and glittering generalities. Bind 
its plain homely Saxon to your heart, and you will feel the throb 
that has been beating time ever since God breathed into man 
the breath of life, and "endowed him wdth certain inalienable 
rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap- 
piness." That address in its key-note and in its key-stone — in 



14 INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 

its Alpha and Omega — in its beginning and its end, \^ freedom. 
Our brother brings to us from across the Atlantic but one idea. 
But it is a glorious sight to see a venerable Christian minister, 
whose head is white with years, and white with labors, and 
white as a crown of honor, — at his period in life, volunteering to- 
brave the storms and dangers of the Atlantic twice, to whis- 
per into the eai-s of Republicans the great idea of that address. 
It is but one idea, but it is the grandest idea that ever ex- 
panded the human brain, that ever stirred the human spirit. 
When these four thousand men put their signatures to that 
address, they said, what? "This is the expression of our love 
for freedom, absolute, unconditional, untrampled, universal 
freedom^ This great idea was a unit in the four thousand 
minds which you represent. It was a pillow of down under 
the head to your own martyrs when they sunk to slumber upoii 
their own ashes in Smithfield. It is the nerve that has 
strengthened the arm of every true British patriot from the 
time of the Conquest down to the deatli of Havelock. It 
has been pinions to every one of your poets, and, like your 
own lark, the higher they have soared the sweeter they have 
sung, until enraptured by the emotions of freedom, they have 
flapped their wings against the lattice-work of the very gate 
of Heaven. It is the idea which has saturated every acre 
of British soil with the best blood of your heroes ; it is the 
idea which has built an altar upon every hill-top that stretches, 
through your realm ; it is the idea which has kindled a flame 
upon everj^ British hearth-stone in the fatherland ever since 
the first ember of civilization was kindled in ancient Britain^ 
sometimes burning lighth^, sometimes burning dimly, but 
always burning. 

This address from the fatherland shows that, notwithstand- 
ing all efforts to smother that fire, when once a plebian rail- 
splitter blows away the ashes, the white spark is glowing 
still. [Applause.] I say, then, we hail these men, and we 
hail their address, and we hail the idea which they bring 
to us, and we will say, in our reply to them, " Keep stirring 
the fire, and let it bm-n." Already it has burned with sucK 



INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 15 

intensity in its reflex glow upon the English shores, that it has 
forged a chain across the Mersey, from Liverpool to Birken- 
head, which the rams of I^ebaioth can not break. [Applause.] 
I say, keep stirring it up ; let the fire burn. I am not with- 
out hope that its intensity will smelt down that haughty self- 
ishness in the upper room of Westminster, which is ready to 
shake with laughter on the arrival of intelligence that the Ee- 
public has fallen. I am not without hope that there shall yet 
rise up in the House of Lords a second Chatham, who will 
stand in his place and say, in 1863, as the first Chatham said, 
in 1776, " Your lordships must respect their cause, and wish 
to make it your own." Let American liberty assert itself, 
and it shall be felt and heeded even in the House of Lords. 
At any rate, whatever the British Government may do, we 
are sure of this, that there is an enlargedness, a strength, and 
an ascendancy about the vital religion of England, which will 
cleave to the Republic in its fiery battle-days. Freedom has 
a song, and British Christians know how to sound its chord. 
You have heard the address which we send back to these 
brethren. I think that address is worthy of us. Now, Brit- 
ish Christians have never doubted our courage, never ques- 
tioned it at all ; and, therefore, it was not necessary to say 
anything to them about our being wrapped in steel or clothed 
in fire, and we did not tell them that we would whip them if 
they did not let us alone and keep their mischievous rams to 
themselves : of course we did not do that. [Laughter.] To 
be sure, we know that we can do it, if they absolutely insist 
upon it [Applause] ; but then we didn't say anything about 
that. But we did say that we were free-born ; we did say, 
when we take our inheritance, we do not ask alms of any 
nation ; we did say that we should blush to disturb the quiet 
slumbers of Milton, and Hampden, and Cromwell, by turning 
traitors to our country ; we did say, in that address, that we 
have learned certain elements of political science, and mas- 
tered certain rudiments of national unity and constitutional 
liberty, which we shall be slow to abjure under any circum- 
stances. We have said simply that we will forego no right, 



16 INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 

that we will endure no wrong. We intend to stand in that 
address like men in the true attitude of Christian prayer, ask- 
ing God to vindicate our cause, and seeking the benediction 
of Jehovah both upon the head of G-reat Britain and upon 
the head of the Great Republic ; and there we will ever 
stand, so God help us. [Applause.] 



SPEECH OF DR. MASSIE. 

You will not expect tliat I should specially respond to all 
that has been uttered here this evening, but I shall occupy a 
few moments in perliaps just giving a tone or two to reduce 
the strength of some expressions which have been used by 
my estimable friend. 1 will not answer for what John Bull 
might say if he were here ; and I am not about to reciprocate 
by asserting what we Englishmen can do when we are 
put to it. I will only say that it is a characteristic of John 
Bull never to know when he is beaten. I hope the time 
is far distant — as far beyond the millennium as it is till the 
millennium come — so far distant that England and America 
shall try their mettle one against another. [Applause.] 

I am not sure that I should say all that has been said about 
the aristocracy of England, were I to speak the truth. The 
honorable and reverend Baptist Noel is the son of a peer and 
the brother of a peer, and he and I conferred in the prepara- 
tion of that address. I had written it, and I asked his opinion 
of it ; he made his suggestions, and approved the whole, but 
he preferred that I should continue to be the author of it. 
But he is only one of such of the aristocracy as the Suther- 
lands— the Duchess of Sutherland and her brother, the Earl 
of Carlyle, the Viceroy of the Queen in Ireland ; the Duke 
of Argyle, her son-in-law, who has sustained well and nobly 
the cause of the United States, — and others of the aristo- 
cracy. I am an Englishman ; and there are defects in the 
English Constitution ; but I believe that there are as good men 
wearing coronets and bearing the titles of lords and dukes as 
there are bearing the plain name which I bear, and we are 



INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 17 

thankful to them for all that thej can do for ns. [Applause.] 
Our Queen, I believe, in her heart loves and is grateful to 
America and American citizens for the favor shown to the 
Prince of Wales. [Applause.] To her late husband as well 
as to her, much was due for the prevention of what was evil, 
years ago, in the intercourse of the two nations ; and, I have 
no doubt, that her son will remember as long as he is a prince, 
and if he should come to be king — fondly remember the 
more than courteous attentions that were paid to him ; cer- 
tainly he would be an unnatural man if he did not ; and I 
believe he will be ready at a suitable time, to testify that he 
owes to America much gratitude. [Applause.] 

Having thus cleared my way — lest I should have to give an 
account of mj^self when I go to England — having thus cleared 
the wa}^, I leave my brother to answer for his address, and I 
am sure that the million Baptists will be proud of their rep- 
resentative, and feel that they have had one who could speak 
well, whether to the king or to the people. 

I come now to that which belongs to myself. It was here 
that I was first presented to an American audience. The as- 
sembly was large, but it was nothing in comparison with this. 
We have lost nothing then in your sympathies — we have lost 
nothing in your good will by the intervening time, or by the 
events that have happened during the progress of that time. 
I feel personally indebted to those that are here assembled ; I 
know not that I shall ever forget — I believe I shall not — my 
intercourse with America ; but the first and the last of that 
intercourse will be connected with Broadway Tabernacle — its 
excellent and loving minister, and the loving people that as- 
sembled within its walls in order that I might have an inter- 
view with them. 

My interest was first awakened in this great contest by my 
love to Americans, by my earnest, cordial, heartfelt sympa- 
thy with the Pilgrim Fathers : the reason of their exile, the 
principles which they established when they occupied the soil 
of America at the first, and the kind of government which 
they sought to perpetuate in all parts of this vast continent. 



18 INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 

I felt my sympathies engaged with them because they suffered 
in my fatlierhmd for the principles \vhich I hold sacred. It 
was my Puritan ancestry that, for the same principle, 
fought and suffered and lay in dungeons, while your New 
England fathers were seeking a home across the waves of the 
Atlantic. I felt interested in you because I looked at the 
American people as possessing the blood and spirit of a 
common ancestry, and as engaged in diffusing good pi-inciples 
at home, and in manifesting that kind of government that is 
a model to other nations, that is a stimulant to the land where 
I dwell, and is sometimes so very much deprecated and de- 
.plored by the aristocracy to which reference has been made, 
because it is not a cheat of a government, because it is a pop- 
ular government, because it is a government that rules the 
country without an established church, and because it pre- 
sents a field of enterprise where the poor may rise, and the 
humblest, from being a rail-splitter, may become the 
great chief magistrate of this mighty Republic. [Applause.] 
I sympathize in this cause, because I believe that, were 
England and America to be one — let them continue as they 
were in principles, in sympathies, in religious elements, in re- 
ligious objects — then would tiiey work together in heathen 
lands for the conversion of the heathen ; then would they 
work together for the extinction of persecution and despot- 
ism in every land ; then would they have a moral influence 
and power that would force other governments to the adop- 
tion of a similar polity, or, at least, of that which is produc- 
tive of the good of the people. ISTow, I came to America 
under that influence. 

Again, I do not suppose that you are all old Americans, be- 
longing to the old stock. In my lifetime, there have come to 
America hundreds of thousands, I may say millions, of peo- 
ple from my fatherland. They have come in my early youth, 
they have come in my riper years. When a child, I lay in 
bed, and heard my father read a letter from a near relative, 
who had come to this city ; (no small period has elapsed since 
I was a child) — my father read that letter from that inti 



INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 19 

mate relative and friend, which said, "This is a broad land, 
and there is plenty in it, and to spare ; come, and yon shall 
have a welcome." From that day to this, my kindred have 
mingled with the people of this city, have risen to places of 
intlnence and authority amongst the people of this conntry; 
and even now, 'twas but the other day, a nephew of my own 
came to meet me at a station ; he had his right arm in a 
sling, and, when he undid the bandage, his right hand 
exhibited only a linger and a thumb ; and he had won that 
scar of honor as a lieutenant of the Rhode Island Artillery, 
in North Carolina. [Applause.] His father's family and 
other kindred of mine are within your borders. And so it is 
with ten thousand families in England ; so it is with a hundred 
thousand families in Ireland. Their kindred of this genera- 
tion mingle with the people of this country now ; and is it not 
natural that we and you should have sympathy with one an- 
other, that in your prosperity we should rejoice, and that in 
your adversity we should have sorrow? I tell you it is so. I 
came to tell you that it is so. We, in England and in Scot- 
land have a strong and earnest passion for liberty. Those 
whom my friend represented as the sons of the Puritans — the 
non-conformists of England— love liberty for themselves, and 
it is a good thing to think that they love liberty for others as 
well. The friends of emancipation for the negro, in England 
— those wdio carried that bill through Parliament in Great 
Britain — were chiefly of the non-conformist party of England, 
Scotland, and Ireland ; and therefore did we look with earnest 
concern and intelligent thoughtfulness to America, to ask what 
you were doing. At the very opening of your wai-, we were 
some of us prepared to say that you were doing right. We 
perceived that those who rebelled from your government were 
doing so that they might establish a slave power. They de- 
clared that the corner-stone of their constitution was the 
slavery of the negro race. They told us that it was because 
you were nsinginlluences to repress their slave-power that they 
resisted the authority of your new President ; and we reasoned 
from their formulas what was your intention in the matter. 



20 INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 

Let me here put jou right in reference to a very Large 
number in England who have not signed our address to the 
pastors of America. Thousands of ministers have not signed 
it that are the champions of the abolition of slavery, because 
they were under the impression that you in the North were 
not really and earnestly engaged in the struggle for the aboli- 
tion of slavery. At the first, circumstances would not permit 
to be made the clear and distinct line of development, which 
has since been drawn in your country. It was necessary 
that your President and cabinet should consolidate their ad- 
ministrative power before they could in any wise declare the 
manifestation of their policy ; and for a time they remained 
in that position. But, when your President issued his warn- 
ing that there would be a proclamation of liberty for the 
slaves of all those that were in rebellion, from the time that 
that proclamation was sent forth with the signature of his 
hand, there has not been a hesitating moment in the minds of 
those with whom I have been acting in this matter. It was 
to strengthen the hands of those that were with your Presi- 
dent, that my countrymen sent forth this address. They sent 
their representatives, that we might tell you by word of mouth 
that which our address proclaims — that we never will recog- 
nize a republic founded upon the slavery of the workingman. 
[Applause.] We came with that in view; and my mission 
was to ministers and pastors, and through them to their 
people. 

My first mission was to your President. I bore to him a 
message, personally addressed to him, and expressed in a 
manner suited to the position which he occupies. I shall not 
repeat what passed, but it is proper that I tell you simply 
what impression the interview produced on my mind. I saw 
the kind Secretary for Foreign Afi'airs, and I communicated 
with him fully and frankl3^ I had an interview with Lord 
Lyons, the English Ambassador at Washington — quite a pro- 
tracted interview. I laid the documents before him. He 
said he was glad that I had come on such a mission. [Ap- 
plause.] He wished me success, and thought it most desir- 



INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 21 

able that I should see Mr. Lincoln. I was then introduced 
to your President. We spent a half hour together, no one 
present with us, in the freest converse and with the most 
intimate reference to the affairs that had brought me and 
that had occupied his mind. I, of my own accord, retired 
without waiting for his time to be exhausted. I will not 
mention what took place, but I will give you the impression 
that interview produced upon my mind: it is, that he is 
heart and soul tlie friend of the slave ; it is that he has re- 
solved by all the influence in his power to seek the freedom 
of every slave who is in the American territory. [Applause.] 
It is, that the proclamation which he has issued shall not go 
back in one expression — in one clause or sentence in reference 
to the liberty of the negro. [Applause.] I stated all this in 
public before I saw his letter to his friends at Springfield, in 
Illinois — but I am confident of the truth of what I say now; 
and I add this, that he is the friend of his country — that he 
is a man honest and most devoted, as I believe, to the office 
which he holds, and that he is, as I believe, an honest and a 
true Christian, living in the fear of God. [Applause.] 

In passing through Philadelphia and Washington, I had 
interviews with ministers and congregations ; I passed through 
New Haven, Hartford, Springfield and Worcester, and sev- 
eral places in the vicinity, where I had also interviews 
with ministers and congregations ; — I twice attended meet- 
ings which I was pressed to attend in the city of Boston, 
the first in the largest Congregational church, and the second 
in Tremont Temple ; I received there, an address, that was 
full of interest and full of patriotism and full of Christian 
philosophy ; I passed down to Providence, and then to Port- 
land, and there, too, was I warmly welcomed, receiving as- 
surances in writing from the friends with whom I became 
acquainted ; I passed through Lawrence ; — the other day a 
little village hardly to be seen among the woods : to-day a 
town with its many thousand inhabitants, grateful and agree- 
able, and there I must appear twice ; — the first day I was 
there was your thanksgiving-day by the appointment of the 



22 INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 

President, and the ministers asked me to conduct your 
thanksgiving service, and to deliver the address, which I did 
with all my heart, calling upon the people to pray earnestly 
for the President; I then attended an Anniversary meeting, 
held at Andover, and passed down through Boston to Sara- 
toga ; at Saratoga I had conversations with many clergymen 
of different denominations ; I then went on to Rochester, to 
Buifalo, to Cleveland, to Chicago, to Cincinnati, to St. Louis 
upon the Mississippi, to Louisville, to Columbus, to Pitts- 
burgh and to Alban}^, and thus I undertook to ascertain the 
tone of feeling and the sentiment of the people. The cordi- 
ality and affection of the people in the "West were truly 
pleasing; I believe in the vast prairies of Illinois and Indiana, 
we have all the religious principles and sympathies of New 
England. I found in those regions, that, as far as Missouri, 
the anti-slavery sentiment has taken full hold of the people, 
and that those who used to be accounted monsters in Eng- 
land, the Missouri ruffians of some twelve years ago, are now 
the Missouri abolitionists, resolved that their state shall be 
delivered of the curse of slaverj^ and that immediately. 
[Applause.] I heard often, as I passed by the wayside, in your 
cars, general talk about " that man, Massie." " Have you 
heard hira say" so and so? In the hotels, seated on the outside 
where the people were cooling themselves, I heard them talk- 
ing of " that man from England — Massie — and what he had 
been saying." I therefore felt, that not as a spy, but as an open 
and outspoken advocate of that which is true and liberal, I 
had learned the sentiment of the people of this country, and 
I think I can tell you in a few words what that feeling is in 
reference to slavery, in the enlightened and the purely and 
strongly religious portion of the people. Among ministers and 
Christian professors in every part where I have been — Presby- 
terians earnestly; Methodists intensely; Baptists with fer- 
vency ; Congregationalists with consistency, and here and there 
clergymen of the Episcopal church not so numerous, perhaps, 
as the others; but I have conversed with Bishops of that 
church, and had their fullest sympathy — I found all these classes 



INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 23 

to liav'e sown deep in their hearts this strong conviction ; tliat 
there would be no happiness to this countrj, no peace among 
the states, no return to Union by those that had become dis- 
united, no prospect of coming peace, no good government 
that would extend its influence to all parts of the country, 
until slavery should be destroyed, and that it must be de- 
stroyed and would be, to finish the rebellion, [Applause.] ISTo 
vindictive feeling have I seen towards the rebels. I have 
wondered at the calm forbearance and even tenderness of 
some of the devoted fi-iends of the slave, in this respect ; but 
the universal feeling is, tliat the rebels must give up slavery 
as well as the rebellion, if they would be again united ; the 
South must come back as subjects and not as rulers; they 
must take the old government again, and base the republic 
upon life and liberty to every man. 

At Columbus I went into the prison, a prison capable of 
holding nearly a thousand persons. I saw the portion assigned 
to Morgan and his fellows. It was they who had ravaged 
Ohio and destroyed the property of thousands. That was a 
sort of confinement, I dare say, they did not like, but I hope 
they were learning to receive good principles and to behave 
better when they come out. But there was no unkindues or 
severity of treatment toward them. 

Now, in reference to my own country, and tlie manner in 
which my message has been received by your people to whom 
I have gone, I think it will be one of the most interesting 
volumes that ever appeared in the English language, when I 
shall be able to put into a book the several addresses which I 
have received, together with the recollections of the various 
places which I may be able to describe in connection witli 
each separate address. I found a few places where the min- 
isters were inclined to adopt the address that has been read 
this evening. At Buffalo and Cincinnati this address was 
adopted ; also at Rochester without hesitation. And, I be- 
lieve, at Albany they mean to do so too. The ministers of 
New York State, generally, have added their names to the 
address which has been read to you. Among all the places 



24: INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 

where I have gone, there have been but two where anything 
like a warm expression of something that would have provoked 
John Bull, if he had been present, occurred. One of these 
was bj a young gentleman, a Professor, and the other was by 
an old gentleman, a Pastor. The young gentleman was after- 
wards met by me in another part of the country, and he 
declared that upon that occasion nothing of a hostile charac- 
ter was meant, and that there was no occasion for hostile 
feelings in reference to the present attitude of affairs between 
England and America. To the old gentleman, as I answered 
him, I said, that though I was an old man and griey-haired, 
yet I thought I might call him my father, because of his age ; 
and I thought it became a minister of the church to be a min- 
ister of peace instead of speaking of the clangor of arms> 
crying havoc and letting slip the dogs of war between the 
two na'Jons, England and America. My friends, who were 
present on the occasion, asked me if I had silenced him. No, 
not quite, because I had not undertaken that. He asked me 
what would compensate for the mischief that the Alabama and 
the Florida had committed upon American shipping. My 
answer to him will be my answer everywhere to every one ; 
I am not the government ; I do not represent it ; they have 
not sent me to represent the government. I represent only 
those that sent me — four thousand and eight ministers from 
my own country, and seven hundred and fifty from France. 
I have, though, this to say concerning the Alabama and the 
Florida. The Alabama stole out of the British ports ; she 
escaped surreptitiously to sea; she has been manned by Irish- 
men, Scotchmen, and Englishmen — I don't know that she has 
any Americans. I believe that it would have been just, on 
the part of the English government, to have sent an English 
man-of-war after her, and never ceased tracking her upon the 
seas until she found her, and either blew her up and every 
man on board, or took her and hanged every man as a pirate. 
[Applause.] 

The case of the Florida was not precisely like that of the 
Alabama, though she has acted in the same way; but whether 



INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 25 

it be tlie Alabama or the Florida, I hold that they are the 
speculations of individuals — that they have been sent forth by 
men that are a disgrace to England — that they are a disgrace 
to commercial men, inasmuch as they have been sent to prey 
upon peaceful commerce by men that have nothing to do with 
the war between the North and ihc South; let sucii be 
branded as smugglers, as thieves, and ]urates. If the 
American people will find out these men, they will be doing 
good service to the community; but do not charge this upon the 
people of England. I drew up a protest against the Ahibama, 
addressed to our government, which was approved by our 
Emancipation Committee, and submitted to Mr, John Bright, 
and Mr. Richard Cobden, and other members of Parliament 
for approval. They approved of it, but said that the protest 
had better not be issued under ]:>resent circumstances. A 
pamphlet was written showing the law in the case, and the 
violation of law by the builders and by the owner of the 
Alabama, and a copy was sent to every member of the House 
of Commons and the House of Lords, to show them what we 
thought of it; and so in reference to othei' ships that have 
been building. We had a vigilance committee for corres 
pondence with the men of every sepai'ate port, to know what 
ships were being built, and for what purpose. We sent 
memorials to the Government again and again for the stopping 
of these two rebel rams — these tw(^ rams which my friend has 
called the rams of Nebaioth — and I believe the sympathies 
of the mass of the people are with the merchants of Liver- 
pool, who believe that such a precedent would be injurious to 
the commerce of the people of England, should England be 
at war with any other part of the world. Let me say, how- 
ever, that the men who make money by the building of these 
ships, may make money for a little while ; but we believe in 
our hearts, and in the sight of God, that their money will 
perish with them — that it is the reward of iniquity, and it 
will never be the means of building up their families. 

I come again to what I believe to be the state of feeling in 
America towards England. It is not a feeling of enmity — it 



26 INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 

is not the desire of the American people to be at war with 
England ; theirs is not the desire to take advantage of any 
little circumstance, to fan the flame of war, that is shown in 
newpapers — some of tliem in your own city — that have sub- 
served this most miserable end by their misrepresentations 
of the sentiments of England. I believe that the sentiment of 
the American people toward England tends to show love, and 
general sympathy and good will. These misrepresentations of 
the press have done much mischief; but the feeling of Ameri- 
cans towards England is of sorrow more than anger — a feeling 
ready to be healed by a. knowledge of the truth. I believe that 
there is no fear of war amongst the majority of the people in 
England and in America. 1 believe that they will do all they 
can to prevent a war, and establish a right understanding as 
to one another's position and feelings. I believe the mission 
in which it has been God's great favor to employ me, will 
be the means of enabling multitudes to realize exactly what 
is the state of things in this country. Let me just say that 
my friend — I believe I may call him so, though I sincerely 
reverence him — the lie v. Dr. Bacon of New Haven, put the 
matter in a form which, I think, was true to the letter, and 
illustrated the subject in a very efficient manner. "I be- 
lieve," he said, " that the English Government has long ago 
recognized the independence of x\merica as a nation, but I 
do not think the English i)eople have ever yet recognized the 
independence of Americans. They have a feeling that an 
elder brother has towards a young brother that would be dis- 
posed to claim his own perhaps too soon, and to do so without 
consulting his elder brother's leave, or his elder brother's con- 
venience." John Bull is your eldei' brotlier, and very much 
disposed to give you a slap if you do anything that is contrary 
to his humor. But if anybody else would slap you, he would 
stand by you as a brother in the time of conflict, and no 
better brothers would there be than the Americans and the 
English, when they know one anothei' perfectly well. [Ap- 
plause.] 

I fear to trespass longer upon your time. I rejoice in the 



INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 27 

privilege that I liave had to address so many. I believe that 
the Christianity of America is of a sound and enlightened 
kind, and especially enlightened in relation to the claims of 
government — especially enlightened as to the present aspect 
of their own circumstances. I believe that for three years 
you have been passing through a schooling process; I believe 
that you have made rapid progress, and can give an accoiuit 
of yourselves most clearly at any time. Providence has been 
leading you by a way that you knew not; has been overrul- 
ing the most untoward events for the accomplishment of eveiy 
good object; has been doing more by the protraction of your 
warfare, than if He had not so prolonged it ; has been pre- 
paring you for the great issue that is to come in the abolition 
of slavery, and in the consolidation of this republic as a 
healthful and united governmeut. I believe that it is, through 
your Christianity, destined to be yet more cons])icuous, more 
powerful and brave, and that, when the Messiah gathers all 
nations under his wings, you will be found among them one 
of the highest. 

May God bless you. Amen. 

The President. — The intense interest which has detained 
this vast audience so long, will, I am sure, make them remain 
a little longer to listen to a few remarks by the Rev. Dr. 
'S'hompson, pastor of the Broadway Tabernacle Church. We 
shall then close with a very brief devotional exei'cise, and it 
would be a favor if this vast assemblage will remain till the 
end. 

SPEECH OF REV. JOSEPH P. THOMPSON, D. D. 

Our literary consul at Liverpool a few years back — Mr. 
Nathaniel Hawthorne — in his very entertaining reminiscences 
of consular experience at that port, tells us that along with 
all that was genial and attractive in English society, he was 
every now and then conscious of some acrid quality in the 
moral atmosphere of England, that put him at once upon his 
national antagonism. To counteract this in part, he kept in 



28 INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 

the dingy back office of the Consulate " a fierce and terrible 
bust of Gen. Andrew Jackson, tliat frowned forth itninitigably 
at any Englishman who might happen to enter." But he pre 
sently discovered that this expedient was of no avail ; fo^" 
younger Englishmen had never heard of the battle of New 
Orleans, and older Englishmen somehow seemed to confound 
it with a British victory. Our worthy friend has shown to- 
night that, ill this respect, he is a true representative of the 
elderly Englishman. 

At the sajue time Mr. Hawthorne says, with a manly 
honesty, "I seUlom came into personal relations with an Eng- 
li-shman without beginning to like him, and feeling my favor- 
able impression wax stronger with the progress of the ac- 
quaintance." Aud he adds, "I never stood in an English 
crowd without being conscious of hereditary sympathies." I 
tliink you will all agree with me, that when we first met 
this honored and beloved brother — this father in the miuistry 
— when we first met him in this house — there sprang up in 
oiir hearts a liking to him and to his cause ; and that favor- 
able impression has grown, not upon us only, but in all the 
land, witli tlie progress of a personal acquaintance with Dr. 
Massie, or with his colleague. And now, to-night, as he has 
spoken to us his words of wisdom, his words of encouragement, 
his w^ords of hope, we have felt that hereditary sympathies 
were beating in our hearts — sympathies of a common blood, a 
common ancestr}^ a common language, a common history, a 
common inheritance in the great principles of civil and re- 
ligious freedom, that his sires and ours together defended in 
the field and at tlie stake. 

But nearer and warmer than these hereditarj^ sympathies 
are the religious sympathies that bind us, through a common 
faith in Christ and his salvation, and a common love and hope 
for mankind, who are to be made partakers of the Gospel by 
the joint agency of England and the United States. Did not 
our hearts burn within us, as we listened to these words of 
love and cheer from the representative of so nuiny hundred 
names in the ministry of the gospel in Great Britain? 



INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 29 

My Friends, let us rise to the gravity of tlie occasion. Let 
us have done even with that pleasant bantering of national 
pride and prowess, in which we have indulged this evening. 
It may lead too far. The spirit of boasting is unworthy of 
us; and to challenge a war with England is to play with a 
two-edged sword. Eno^land knows well enough that we will 
light to the end for national honor or right, when the neces- 
sity is laid upon us. But let us stand only for the 
Kight; — resolved that we will not be driven into war, nor 
provoked nor cajoled into a war with England, for anything 
but the right. And let us study the things that make for 
peace. 

Wo worth the day when peace shall be broken between 
these kindred nations ! ISTever since Christianity dawned, has 
the world seen a day so dark and disastrous as that would be, 
when these two nations, foremost in Christian civilization, 
leaders of the commerce, the missions, the freedom of the 
world, should go to war with the intense energy of their 
common nature, and with their vast improvements in military 
science. Civilization would go back full Hfty years. We 
dare not trifle with such a possibility. Christian men must 
do all in honor to avert it. 

Our brother will go back to England, charged with the 
true American sentiment on this subject. We have not with- 
held from him our grievances concerning England. We have 
no need to repeat them now. He understands them well, and 
with right English honesty he will report them, depend upon it, 
in every address that he shall make at home. He has rightly 
divined the principles and the bearings of our cause, and he has 
faithfully gathered up our judgments and our purposes in the 
war. Yet, were I to express, in a few words, the message that 
we would have him bear, I would say to him : — Go tell the 
England of Shakspeake, that in this land which claims with 
her a heritage in that language which he has crystallized into 
immortality — that in this English-speaking land, among all 
its Christian people, there is none " so vile that would not 
love his country'' — none "so base that would be a bondman" 



80 INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 

to the slaveocracj of the South. [Applause.] Gro tell the 
England of John Milton, that in this land to-day a million 
bayonets maintain that good old cause for which he wrote 
and labored till sight was gone, and for which he still suffered 
and prayed in blindness, and penury, and age. Go tell the 
England of John Hampden, that a nation is marshaled here 
to-day under the banner by which he faced the mortal strife 
of Clialgrove field — his own banner with his own motto: "No 
Step Backwaed " in the march or in the fight for freedom 
and the i-ights of man. Go tell the England of Algernon 
Sidney, that that constitutional liberty which was the one long 
aspiration of his life, and for which he laid down his gray 
head upon the block, finds here its expression in the govern- 
ment which this great people are sworn to maintain, by the 
lives of their sons and their own. Go tell the England of the 
Puritans, that that religious liberty for which they were will- 
ing to forego pulpits and churches and homes, for which they 
entered into prison singing God's praise, for which they went 
undaunted to the stake — that religious liberty is here main- 
tained by a nation of their sons in arms, and will be to the 
end. Yes, and we may now say to him, without one reserva- 
tion : Go tell the England of Wilberforce and Clarkson, 
that the cause of the slave — for which they in their time en- 
dured public proscription and social obloquy — is now main- 
tained in this land by the sword in the hands of a willing people. 
Go tell that England which has sent forth her Careys, her Mar- 
tyns, and her Morrisons, that we are one with her in the work 
of planting all this wide world with missions of the Gospel. 
And I am sure that I do but gather up the sentiments of this 
vast audience when I say to our brother: Go tell the England 
of Victoria — whose name shall be as resplendent in history 
for the virtues of her reign, as is the name of Elizabeth for 
the genius of hers — go tell the England of Victoria, that 
Americans who love and prize their own republican govern- 
ment before all others, and who will maintain it to the last 
against all comers, know how to respect that honorable and 
virtuous Queen, and how to respect the sentiment of loyal 



INTERNATIONAL SYMPATHIES. 31 

Englishnien for such a sovereign : "Give the queen thy judg- 
ments, O God, and thy righteousness to the queen's son. In 
her days let the righteous flourish, and abundance of peace 
so long as the moon endureth." 

Carry back these greetings to tlie land of our hereditary 
sympathies, and say, especially to the Christian people of 
England, that we will ever stand by them for Justice, for 
Truth, for Humanity. We will bear with their mistakes and 
affgravations as we ask them to bear with our infirmities ; 
we will cultivate the spirit and the methods of international 
good-will ; and when the blessed days of peace in righteous- 
ness shall come, we will join our ships with theirs, not in 
fierce contest on the sea, but in bearing the message of good- 
will and peace to all the world, spreading abroad that One 
Name for which we live and in which we would die. " And 
blessed be His glorious name for ever, and let the whole earth 
be filled with His glory. Amen and amen." 

And now, my honored brother, let me give you, in the 
name of this vast assemblage, this hand of farewell. 

"The Lord bless thee and keep thee ; the Lord make his 
face shine upon thee and be gracious unto thee ; the Lord 
lift up his countenance upon thee, and give thee peace." 

At the close of Dr. Thompson's address, prayer was olFered 
by Dr. Smith. The hymn "Blest be the tie that binds'" was 
then sung ; the benediction pronounced by the Rev. Dr. 
Massie, and the audience dispersed — the organ playing the 
grand Hallelujah Chorus from Handel's Messiah. 



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LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 




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